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PEOCEEDINGS 



OP THB 



OHIO STATE CHRISTIAN 



ttti-J^ktri^t| ^0nttenti0n, 



HELD AT COLUMBUS, 



AUGUST 10 AND II, 



1859, 





I 



^' " 



CHRISTIAN 



Pursuant to previous notice, a Christian Anti-Slavery Convention met at 
ten o'clock in the morning on Wednesday, August 10, 1859, at the Congre- 
gational Church in the city of Columbus, Oiiio. 

A preliminary organizition was effected by electing A. A. (jCTHRIE, Esq. 
of Putnam, Chairman, ami II. B. S[)elman, of Cleveland, Secretary. 

The call under which the Convention assembled was read as fullovvs: 
STATE CHRISTIAI^ AXTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION, 
To be held in Columbus, 0., Wednesday and Thursday, Aug. 10 and 11, 1S59. 
To Anti-Slavery Christians Throughout the State : — 

The present aspects of the great controversy between Freedom and Slavery 
in our country, earnestly call for more thorough aggression and systematic 
action on our part. 

The African Slave Trade — which by the law is ])iracy — is revived, and 
there is not suflicient active moral power in the nation to extingnish it. 

Southern Churches have generally apostatized to the open justification of 
Slavery, and Northern Christians are sadly remiss in duty with respect to op- 
posing it. 

Southern States are expelling or enslaving their free colored population, and 
Northern States allow their colored citizens to bj kidnapped under the pro- 
visions of the Ftigitive Act. 

The Fugiti\e Act is pronounced Constitutional by the National Courts. 
Some of our most virtuous and respected citizens are imprisoned because they 
could not quietly stand and see a neighbor kidna[)|>ed ami dragge.I into 
hopeless bondage, and our State Supreme Court, in deference to precedetir, 
has refused to pronounce the law unconstitutional. 

According lo the decision of the Supreme Court of the Unitoil States, 
Slavery is extended to all our territories by virtue of the Constitution, and 
neither Congress nor the people has power to prohibit it. A<id while all this 
is passing, the party in power is straining its energies to acquire new territoiy 
for the expansion and development of the great evil. 

To meet the demands and agressions of the Slaveliolding power, the Free- 
dom loving element of the nation has no great, Christian, earnest, systematic 
agency. 

Alarmed at these facts, tho undersigned invite Chriiitians of all deaomina' 



d cnniSTIAN AKTl-SLAVERY C0NVENTI05. 

tions who believe and deeply feel that Slavery is our nation's great crime, 
(and her grent calamity, and tlie source of lier greatest danger as well,) 
to meet in Columbus, on Wednesday and Tiir.rsday, August 10 and 11, to 
deliberate and J'raj', to give pulibc expression to our views, and to organize 
a system of ef!oits which shall aid in enlightening and arousing the public 
conscience and enlistingthe Cliristian energies of the State and Nation against 
this great iniquity. 

Let there be a great, earnest, prayerful, and calm, but determined Conven- 
tion. 

Uiiless the Convention shall otherwise direct, the forenoon of Wednesday 
Avill lie spent in pi aver, the afternoon and e\eningin addresses, and Thursday 
in the transaction of business. 

J. B. Walker, Pastor Congreg.itional Clnirch, Sandus?,-!/ City. A. D. Bar- 
ber, Paitor Cor.grcgalional Churcb, Hf^nry Pi. Smith, J. C. Wiiite, Pastor Pij-- 
nioiilh Con. Cliurcli, J. A. Tlii'me, Pallor Con. Church, West Side, W. H. 
Brewster, Pastor Wes. Meth. Church, J. A. Gale, John Pete, Pastor St. Clair 
Street Meih. Ch., E. P. Ingersoll, G. N. Abbey, I. C. Pendleton, Joseph 
Perkins, H. B. Spelman, Otis Boise, B. Barker, B. Pelton, K. F. liumiston, 
Cleveland; H. M. Storrs, Pastor of Con. Church, Simeon B. Williams, Esq., 
Cincinnati; S. C. Leonard, Pastor Con. Chinch, Geo. Clancey, Pastor M. P. 
Church, Joseph Wolfe, Pastor M. E. Church, William Turner, William H. 
Cochran, L W. Vance, Mt. Vernon, ; John Rankin, Pastor 2d Prts. Ch., 

D. Gould, Pastor 1st Pres, Ch., J. S. Peregrime, Pastor, M. E. Ch., and 35 
otliers, R!pky, Brown Co; T. S. Clarke, Pastor Con. Church, Hon. E. X, Sill, 
and 43 others, Cuyahoga Falls ; S. Plumb, James Monroe, E. H. Fairchild, 
John Keep, John Morgan, J. H. Fairchild, tl. E. Peck, OLertin; Piev. A. D. 
Olds, J. K. Giddings, H. A. Plumb, and otheis, J-jferson; Rev. Charles 
Smith, Clement Wright, and others, I'allmadye ; Rev. E. Thompson, Rev. O. 
W, Wliite, and others, Strongsville ; David Wright, J. ^I. EMinwood, and 
others, Morgan ; A. Dresser, Pastor Cong. Church, Orwell; F. L. Arnold, 
Pastor Cong. Church, C. W. Von Ccelim, Prof, of ]\Iath. &c., Greensburg, 
Seminary, Home; Jacob Tuckerman, Prof. Mathematics, Farmei's College, 
Cin.; S. H. Prentice. Pastor Con. Church, G. B. Per.field, Freeman Penfield, 
P en field ; T. PI Mcurne, Pastor Con. Church, B. Clough, AinJwrst, Lorain Co.; 
A. "E. Baldwin, Pastor of Cong. Church, S. Williams, Pastor Baptist Church, 
Edward Meyer, Rector of St. Paul's Ciiurch, J. S. Carpenter, and others, J. 
P. Converse, A. R. Baldwin, A. C. Waters, J. M. Frazer, Pastor of Cons. 
Church, Akron; J. W. Walter, Pastor of Church, J. W. Vance, Milan; G. 
W. Brainard, U. H. Hunt, and others, Fast Orange; J. (labler. Pastor of M. 

E. Church, (German) R. Crozier, Pastor M. E. Church, Rpley, Brown Co. 

The following Committees were then appointed, namely : 

On Eesolutions — W^. G. Finney, Rev. J. A. Thome, Rev. J. X. McAbee, 
Hon. J. R. Giddings, Rev. J. S. McReady, Rev. Adam Crooks, Hon. J. S. 
Carpenter, Rev. J. A. Pinney, Rev. iV. H. Brewster, Rev. John Rankin and 
Rev, John Boggs. 

On Permanent Organization — Rev. W^. B. Walkins, Rev. Her.ry Cowles, 
Rev. W. PL Brewster, L. L. Rice and Rev. David Craig. 

On Address — Rev. H. E. Peck, Rev. John G. Fee, Hon. J. R. Giddings 
M. B. Bateman, Esq., Rev. Simeon Brown, A. A. Guthrie, Esq. and Rev. 
John Lawrence. 

The following names were entered on the roll : 

Rev. H. G. Marsh, Elder of Cbagriu Falls, Wesleyan Circuit, Solon, Cuya- 



CHRISTIAN ANTl-SLAVKRY CONVENTIO.^. 3 

lioga Co. Rev. Allen MccUin, delegate of tlie CI(!veland Cliristian Union, 
Clevelanl. William Turner, of Congivgatioiial Cliiiirh, Mt. Vernon. Rev. 
Gideon Dana, David Pettil, Congregaiional Cliurcli, Biicyrus. \Vm. Cj. Fin- 
ney, Cadiz. John H. Jones, Congregational Cluircli, Cohinibus. Rev. W. 
H. Brewster, Pastor Wesleyan Church, Cleveland. Rev. J. A. Tiionie, Pastor 
Congregational Church, Cleveland. Hon J. S. Carpenter, Congregational 
Church, Akron. Rev. Win. Dempsey, Congregritioual Church Middlebuiy. 
E. Corner, Congregational Church, Columbus. Rev. E. H, FaircliiM, Con- 
gregational Church, Oberlin. A. M. Gangewer, Columbus. J. B. Mallett, 
Germantown, Ky. F. A. B. Simkins, B. Tresenrider, S. E. Samuel, C. C. 
Humphrey, E. D. Phillips, Columbus. A. G. Humphrey, Lancaster. C. H. 
Dunbar, J. S. Fisk, Brecksville, Cuyahoga Co. Rev. D. A. Randall, Baptist 
Church, Columbus. Rev. J. S. McCready, United Presbyterian Church, 
Cadiz. Rev. David Craig, Free Presbyterian Church, New Athens. Samuel 
Patterson, Wesley Church, Orange, Delaware Co. Doct. T, S. Towler, M. 
E. Church, Columbus. Rev. S. Cole, Congregational Church, Weymouth, 
Medina Co. Rev. George H. Barnum, Wesleyan Church, East Orange. G. 
Fairchild, Congregational Church, Brownhelm. J. M. Scott, Wesleyan 
Church, Alexandria, Licking Co. Wm. Sewell, Wesleyan Church, Barues, 
Richland county. Rev. John Keep, Congregational Church, Oberlin. Rev. 
Geo. Gordon, Free Presbyterian, Iberia. Rev. Davis R. Barker, Congrega- 
tional Church, Mercer, Penn. R. McFarland, Barnes, Richland county. A. 
A. Bancroft, Congregational, Granville. G. R. Hatmany, Congregational 
Church, Germantown, Ky. E. Follett, Congregational Church, Alexandria. 
Rev. Jacob Emrich, Middletown, Butler county. C. W. Tollbrd, Piqua, 
Miami county. Asa Cady, Theodore F. ]\[eriiman, Ezekiel Adams, Collamer. 
T. J. Thomas, Granville. M. B. Bateham, Mrs. Josephine C. Bateham, Mrs. 
Harriet P. Osgood, Columbus. Rev. W. Tillinghast, Free Baptist, Lafayette, 
Medina county. Rev. John G. Fee, Congregational, Berea, Madison county, 
Ky. Leman Mead, Pat^skala, Licking county. Rev. Wm. Perkins, editor 
Ckrisliun Leader, Cincinnati. Rev. J. Hunt, Free Presbyterian Church, 
Delaware county. Rev. L X. McAbce, M. E. Church, Pittsburgh Conference, 
Washington, Guernsey county, 0. D. Siiifabaugh, M. E. Church, Norwich, 
Muskingum county. Rev. lleman Gecr, Congregational, Church, Wayne, 
Ashtabula count}'. Rev. L. B. Beach, Andover, Ashtabula county. Congre- 
gational Church. Rev. S. D. Smith, Morrow. Rev. A. D. Barber, Congre- 
gational, East Cleveland. Rev. \V. B. Watkill^■, i\I. E. Clmr.h, Cambridge, 
Guernsey county. Brewster Pelton, Cleveland. Rev. A. N. Hamlin, Wes- 
leyan Methodist, Delaware county. Hon. J. R. Glddings, JefTerson. Rev. 
Henry Cowles, Congregational, Oberlin. D. Dennison, Cleveland. Rev. A. 
Crooks, Alexandria, Licking county. J. L. Burrill, Oberlin. Rev. H. 
H. George, Reformed Presbyterian, Dr. G. L. Weed, Cincinnati. Thomas 
Norton, Georgesville. E. W. Brady, M. E. Winchester, O. Rev. J. Rankin, 
Second Presbyterian, Ripley. Rev. S. D. Bates, Free Will Baptist, Marion. 
Rev. J. M. Williams, Wesleyan Methodist, Michigan Conference. T. E. Lc- 



4 CHRISTIAN AiNTl-SLAVERT CONVENTION. 

lan.l, D. M. Cartis, \V. McGregor, G. B.ier, 'SUvy Falkertli, Mr. Falkerlb, 
Ecbecca Falkertli, Jane McGregor, L. G. Curtis, Robert Aiulerson, H. P. Co- 
iiarit, E. C. Conant, Dayton, John V. McCiillougli, Sharon. Kev, S nieon 
Brown, Cincinnati, John M, Carey, Washington county, A. A, Guthrie, 
Presbyterian, Putnam, L, L, Pvice, Columbus, H, B. Spelman, Cleveland, 
C, P. Atkinson, Elm Grove, Brooke county, Ya. Rev. R. Burgesp, Free 
Presbyterian, West Alexander, Washington county, Pa. 11. L. Simpson, 
Cincinnati, Rev. D. L. Travis, Wesleyan, Mt, Vernon. Philip A.-hton, Mt, 
YernoD, Rev, John Lawrence, editor of Eeligious Tdescope, Rev. 1). K. Flick- 
inger, United Brethren, Dayton. Rev. Joel Thrap, Methodist Protestant, Mt. 
Pleasant. Rev. John Doggs, Disciples', editor of Christian Luminary, Jiev. 
Wallace Shelton, Zion Baptist, Cincinnati. T. Tresize, Palaskala. Rev. S. 
T. Boyd, Free Presbyterian, Iberia. J. B. Himt, Wesleyan, East, Orange, 
Delaware count}'. Rev. J. M. Eraser, Congregational, Parkman, Geauga co. 
Rev. A. D. Olds, Congregalional. Jefferson, Ashtabula county. Rev. E. Gale, 
Congregational, Geneva, Ashtabula county. Rev. A. Pinnev, Baptist, Zanes- 
ville. Rev. A. T. Raidcin, Free Presbyterian, Ripley, 0. Mrs, Amanda 
Wallace, Miss Mary Wallace, Baltimore, Md. Chailes French, Cleveland, 
West Side. Prof. U. E. Peck, Oberlin. Prof. John Haywood, United 
Brethren, Westerville. W. H. Cochran, Mt. Yernon. W, E. Lincoln, Ober- 
lin, 0. Nichols, Pataskala, Licking countv, lienoni Diekerman, Constantia, 
Delaware county, Peabody Atkinson, Pataskala. J. C. Wetniore, Columbus. 
J. H. Paddock, Elyria, R. S. McFarland, Baines, Richland county. 

The remainder of the morning session was taken up wilt religious services, 
singing, prayer, informal spi-aking, etc. 

Prof. Peck, alluding !o the remark of the chairman, that the leading feature 
of the new anti-slavery movement was prayer, said that his own experience 
in the pa.->t few months led him to think the remark justified. In a very ex- 
tensive correspondence, he had freqiienily noted the fact that a great work of 
prayer was going on in the cluirch of ihi* country in regard to slavery. He is 
quite sure that the chu:cb was assuming a new position, 'J'he ballot box was 
a great means of good ; but there was an appeal superior to the ballot box — 
a more powerful means— prayer. 

Rev. John Keep compared the jircsent Convention Avitli one he liad atten- 
ded iri Columbus in the infancy of the auti-sla'i ery movement, and found great 
encouragement in the difTerence. 

Several gentlemen spoke briefly — iisnally to the elTect that this Convention 
marked a new era in the anti-slavery cause, and taking Prof. Peck's view of 
the matter. 

The Convention then took a recess until 2 o'clock. 

AFTEUN00>f SESSION. 

The Committee on Permanent Organization reported as follows through 
Rev. W. B. Watkins :— 

President — Austin A. Gutuuie, of Putnam. 



CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. O 

Vice Presidents — Hon. J. II. Giddings, of Ashtabula ; Rev. John Rankin, of 
Ripley; David Sinsabangli, Norwich; Hon. J. S. Carpenter, Akron ; Rev. 
A. Crooks, Alexandria; Rev. John G. Fee, Berea, Kentucky ; Rev. George 
Clancey, Mt. Vernon ; Rev. S. McCready, Cadiz ; Rev. D. A. Randall, Co- 
lunibus ; Rev. John Boggs, Cincinnati. 

Secretaries — H. B. Spelman, Cleveland, and Rev. W. B. Watkin?, Cam- 
bridge. 

The report was unanimously adopted and the officers took their seats. 

Mr. Guthrie, on taking the chair as permanent President addressed tho 
Convention as follows : 
Oenilemen of the Convention : 

For this expression of your confidence and respect I thank you. I could 
readily excuse myself from accepting the position with which you honor mo, 
on the score of inexperieuco in the duties which attach to it, and I am quite 
sure that you have in the Convention older and abler men ; but I have made 
it a rule of my life to shrink from no proper responsibility which my friends 
may choose to lay upon me and never to apologize for not doing well that 
which is done according to the best of my abilities. 

Custom will warrant, if it does not demand, that I should address some 
remarks to the Convention on taking the chair as its prciiding officer. 

Gentlemen, I am somewhat familiar with the history of the Anti- Slavery 
cause. 

The first State Anti-Slavery Convention in Ohio was held in tho town 
where I reside, nearly twenty-five years ago, and from that time to this, I 
have watched its onward progress and studied its various phases, with un- 
abated interest. 

I am very forcibly reminded to-day of the great changein pr.blic sentiment 
on the subject of Slavery ,by the contrast between this meetingand similar ones 
held in other days in this same city of Columbus. Then no church could be 
had for the use of such a convention. On one occasion we met in the old 
U. S. Court room, and deliberated amid the noise and confusion of a mob. 
On another the meetings were held in an old building used, I think, as a 
lyceum or possibly a play-house. Then delegates were obliged to crowd the 
hotels and lodge on the floor sometimes twenty and thirty in a single room. 
Now the doors of this beautiful Christian temple are thrown wide open for 
our accommodation, and the councsies and hospitalities of the city are gene- 
rously tendered to us. In view of such changes and of the manifold proofs of 
progress, the question may, and will, arise among such as look only at the 
outside of things, whence the propriety or necessity of this Convention ? 
"When a great and growing political part}', based upon opposition to Slavery, 
exists, with power ajrcad}- to carry the elections in nearly all the Free States, 
•why inaugurate a new measure ? 

It is a pertinent question, and I reply that we would not under-estimate that 
party which professes onposition to Slavery, nor speak disparagingly of any 
political movement in that direction, but my own coavictions are strong, and 



6 CHRISTIAN ANTI-8LAVERY COKVEXTIOW. 

grow slronger by evcrv day's obserration, that the Arti-Slavery cause, if left 
to political parties and politicians, is utterly lost ! Such parties aud persons 
have but a limited range of responsibilities and a sphere of action which leaves 
the moral and religious bearings of the question of Slavery altogether outside 
of its operation. 

Slaveholders and Pro-Slavery men know this and hence the change so no- 
ticeable everywhere in the mode of defence. You can all rememler well, 
when few men had the hardihood to defend the system of Slavery as right. 
Almost universally it was an admitted wrong— a sin— an evil to be suffered 
to exist only until some good providence should reveal a remed}'. The 
com[>licity of the Chnrch with the system was deprecated as a dire necessity, 
and was soon to cease; it was but a question of time, and the system itself 
was regarded as doomed, and its probation was to be measured by circum- 
stances not under human control. 

But as the sequence to these admissions was urged home to the conscience 
and sense of consistency of slaveholders, and as this monster of iniquity was 
luoi-e and more vigorously assailed by the humanity of the nation,, and hedged 
in by political considerations, it took shelter in the church, entrenched itself 
behind the pulpit, and seizing upon the horns of the altar, now claims pro- 
tection and defence as a divine institution. 

And there it stands to-day defiantly and scornfully deriding its assailants, 
while men calling themselves Christian ministers go forth, Bible in hand, its 
chosen champions and ablest defenders ; and to-day the church is Slavery^s 
safest and chiefest asylum. 

While these things are so, it will live and grow despite all politicians and 
all parties. Why not ? A system that is worthy of Christian baptism ought 
to live. Any thing that is good enough for the communion table is surely 
good enough for the ballot box, or for free soil or for any other place. 

If Slavery has a right to Christian fellowship, it may well claim national 
recognition and seek the nation's protection as a paramount interest. 

My brethren, the church of God cannot shift off on to any other body any 
one of her responsibilities. In this matter, she has a work to do, which to be 
well done should be done quickly. She owes it to herself, and to a suffering 
humanity and to an offended God, to purge away from all her branches this 
foul wrong, and to free herself from all complicity with this whole system. 

Let Slavery be dragged from the altars of God and driven forth to fare as 
it may in the open field, where an outraged and indignant humanity may 
vindicate itself by consignieg the whole system to an early and ignominious 
grave. 

Gentlemen, I trust that your deliberations will be characterized by a calm 
and sound discretion, and yet with such a manifest spirit of determinai.ion as 
shall certify to the world that the objects of this Convention are to be prose- 
ecuted to a successful issue. 

The following Resolutions reported by the Committee through Eev. J. A. 
Thome, were adopted after thorough discussion and slight amendments : — 



CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERT CONVENTION. 7 

« 

1. Resolved, That the natural law, giving to every human being the right 
to live, to that liberty which is necestiary to cherish and protect life, ob;ai!i 
knowledge and preiiare for heaven, is but the clearly revealed will of God. 

2. Tiiat to enslave innocent men and women, paralyzing their moral fac- 
iiUies, shutting out the light of truth from their understandings, and comj^el- 
ling them to drag out an earthly existence amidst the gloom and darkness of 
moral death, constitutes one of the most aggravated violations of God's will, 
one of the most momentous crimes presented to human consideration, 

3. That the turpitude of this crime rests on all who capture, enslave, im- 
port, sell, [lurchase, hold, re-capture, or re-enslave human beings, and on all 
who aid, encourage, pass, approve or enforce enactments for the capture, en- 
slaving, holding, re-capture, or re-ensl ivement of God's image, and the per- 
sons thus offending will be held responsible at the bar of God. 

4. That governments are constituted among men to secure the enjoyment of 
human rights, and they hold no just authority to violate the will of God nor 
to deprive the humblest individual of his liberty; that Congress in passing 
the fugitive slave act of 1850, conferred no right upon slave catchers to cap- 
ture or enslave, to re-ca[)ture or re-enslave men ; nor did they imi)ose upon 
any person the duty to obey such enactment ; nor is the law of God, nor are 
the inalioi able riglits of man, changed or modified by such enactment; nor 
are our Christian duties to feed the hungry, clothe the naked, protect and 
defend the lives and liberties^ of ourselves and fellow men, impaired or 
changed by that enactment. 

5. That said Fugitive Slave Act does not command that which is right, 
nor does it forbid tUat which is wrong — it comes within no description of 
law and possesses not the essential elements of law ; it is an assertion of the 
will of slaveholders, and not the will of God ; it is the mandate of despct- 
ism and not the statute or Vaalaw oi a Christian people ; to maintain it is to 
uphold Slavery in its worst and most revolting features ; for the State to 
permit its enforcement on the soil of Ohio constitutes a surrender of the 
rights and the dignity of our State and the liberties of our people. 

6. That, irrespective of jjolitical organizations, we will not knowingly 
vote for any man for office, who hesitates to assert, and to the extent of his 
religious, moral and political influence maintain, the right of our State and its 
peoi)le to to be entirely exempt from the expense, the guilt and disgrace of 
supfiorting the Slavery of other States. 

7. That it is the (luty of Christians and of Christian ministers to bear 
faithful testimony against the sin of Slavery ecclesiastically, socially, and 
politically, through the pulpit and the religious press, and to carry the 
wr ngs of the oppressed to the throne of grace in importunate prayer, that 
God may speedily deliver them that are in bonds. 

8. That to have any voluntary agency, official or otherwise, in the re-cap- 
ture or rendition of a fugitive slave, is incompatible with Christian charac- 
ter, and unless repented of, should be punishe(l by excommuincation in the 
case of any church member guilty of this cdine against humanity and God ; 
that this (Convention do therefore approve of the act of excision passed re- 
cently by the Market Street Baptist Cliurch of Zanesville, Muskingum county, 
agunst a member who, in the capacity of deputy U. S. Marshal, restored a 
fugitive to his claimant in Virginia. 

9. That the example of the Oberlin-Welliugton Rescuers in patiently suf- 
feiing a long imprisonment for their noble disregard of the unconstitutional 
a id uiichristian Fugitive Slave Act, not accepting deliverance on any terms 
tiiat would compromise principle and weaken the moral effect of their act 
and testimony, and finally triumphing over the Government, and gaining 
a release honorable to themselves, but disgraceful to their prosecutors, and 



8 CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. 

* 

humiliating to the slave power, meets our hearty commendation, and calls 
forth our gratitude to God, whose wisdom guided aud whose grace sustained 
them. 

The fourth Resolution being read, Mr. Giddings said he hoped members 
would express themselves fully upon it, as it would attract more attention 
than any other. 

Rev. Mr. Kankin favored its adoption. The Fugitive Slave L:iw contra- 
vened the law of GoJ, which forbade man-stealing. It committed a crime 
worse than man-stealing ; for simply to sell a slave did not expose him to the 
vindictive cruelties of a master enraged by his escape. To return a slave was 
worse than to steal a man. It was a crime visited with the puuisiiment of 
God. Mr. Rankin gave instances of the miserable fate of United States 
Marshals and other slave-catchers, which had taken place under his own ob- 
servation. He believed that Providence directly ounished this sin. 

Rev. Mr. Gordon referred to the late speech of Mr. Stephens of Georgia, 
who defended Slavery on Higher Law ground — that was where Slavery 
should be met. He thought we had not taken high enough ground, and he 
was glad to find slaveholders inviting us to do so. 

Mr. Guthrie thought this resolution the most important, because it involved 
practical results. Nut long since a fugitive had been decoyed into the hands 
of the slave-catchers, in the city (Zanesvillc) near which he lived, by mach- 
inations which would have disgraced a fiend, and a deacon of the church — he 
would name him unhesitatingly, for he understood that he gloried in the 
deed — felt called on by the law to do his utmost for the fugitive's return to 
Slavery. The question was a practical one. The members of that Conven- 
tion might be called upon to put their principles to the test before night. Mr. 
Guthrie related an anecdote of A. K. Marshal of Kentucky, who unce safe 
behind him in a car while he was denouncing the Fugitive Law to Mr. Eng- 
lish of Indiana. Marshal was asked if he would help a United States official 
to execute the law. He replied that he would see him damned first. 

Rev. Mr. Fee of Kentucky was surprised that the Higher Law need bo 
discussed in Ohio. Slaveholders all acted upon an understanding of tho 
Higher Law. Last Sabbath he had heard a slaveholder j)roach the Higher 
Law in Kentucky. He held up the Bible, and proclaimed to his hearers that 
that book was above all law. The case was illustrated thus : A wife was to 
obey her husband under Providence— that is, when he bade her to do right ; 
and the child the parent, except when commanded to do wrong. We are 
bound to obey God, all human governments to the contrary. He had pro- 
claimed in Kentucky that no law against God's law shouUl Ix! obeyed ; and 
the would act with no pnrty which would permit it to exist. 

Rev. Mr. Perkins declared that all human laws must derive their ]-inwer 
from God's laws ; if we rejected this theory we were atheists. Nobody 
could controvert this theory, but a practical difficulty often arose. The ofii- 
cials undtr the Constitution were determined to carry o.it tlie law. We were 
Scriptmally coramanded to be in subjection to govermnent. We must thereloie 



CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. 9 

either have the law pronounced unconslitutional, or change the Constitution. 
He held that in case of diaohedience to the law, we had no business to excite 
rebellion against it. We might disobey and suffer the penaltj'. In this way 
the example of the Oberliu Rescuers was of more efi'ect than the transactions 
of any convention. 

Mr. Giddings followed. He recounted the leading circumstances of the 
Atnistad case, and contrasted the merciful treatment the Spanish slaves re- 
ceived at the hands ot their ignorant and pagan negroes, with that of the 
fugitive at Cincinnati, whom a United States officer shot down before his 
wife. And no one in the city had the greatness of soul to attempt to rescue 
the survivor. She was torn from the body of her husband and consigned to 
Slavery. 

Mr. Perkins said the church had been unfaithful to her duty. 

Mr. Giddings exclaimed, The church ! God save us from the church ! 
"What had she ever done ? Where was she then ? The murderer of that 
fugitive walked the streets unmolested. The public mind was debauched 
by the fact. Because men had surrendered to Shivery, the Fugitive Law 
was in existence. 

He wanted everybody to understand what Slavery was. He would tell 
them — no, he could not. He would only refer them to the charge of Judge 
Ruffin of Carolina, who declared that the slave luas doomed to live loithout 
knowledge — and to the decision of a higher tribunal, that he had no rights. 

He would say to the country, that the anti-slavery Christians have declared 
only what had been declared b}^ every jurist and publicist for seventy years. 

Mr. Giddings was alluding to the degradation of the pulpit, on this ques- 
tion, when it was proposed to take a recess till after supper. 

Before adjournment, the following Committee was appointed to repor; a 
plan of future operations : 

Rev. E. H. Fairchild, Rev. W. H. Brewster, Hon. J. S. Carpenter, Jacob 
Enirick, Esq., Rev. Jolm G. Fee, Rev. Wm. Geer, Rev. David Craig, Dr. 
Geo. L. Weed, David Sinsabaugh, Esq., and Rev. Joel Thrap. 

EVENING SESSION. 

Convention met at 8 o'clock. Prayer by the Rev. Anson Smvtlie. Mr. Gid- 
dings concluded his remarks. He referred to the degradation of the j'opular 
mind before Slaverj-. It was the besetting sin of the nation to bow in sub- 
mission to this power, and its want of manhood to resist its demands. Mr. 
Webster declared that it was the duty of the people to submit to the Fugitive 
Law, and the people followed ; and now it is proclaimed by the Supreme 
Court that black men have no rights that white man are bound lo respect. 
The people are responsible at the bar of God for the maintenance of their 
rights. Neither Mr. Webster nor Buchanan could justify them there. AVe 
have seen the sentiment of our own State subdued to Slavery, until now it 
was preached that it is our duty to seize men and return them to bondage. 

Why do we not assert equal manhood with the slave power ? Slavery 

2 



10 CHRISTIAN AJfTI-SLAVERY CONVENTIOIT. 

8;iyf:, " Hands off! Slavery is ourd ; we will mountain it." He said, " Liber! j 
is ciiir.-, we will n>;uiitaia it." If we sa}' to our public men, IT you tli'^iadu 
Us wo will degrade you, they will stand up :vs boltlly Tor freedom. IJe bad 
some cKiiericnce iu that. Tiie popular mind >vill always be yovcnieil by 
truth and justice. If ministers and public men will stand up for the:c, the 
))eople wiil always sustain them. The county of Lorain luid liniily main- 
tained the rights of the pec'ple. Tlisy had indicted the ki lnapper.<, arid if 
they had not been voluntarily released, l:e (irmly believed they would now 
bo in the Ohio Penitentiary. Lie wa.s charged wiih going too far when he 
declared that he would resist a slave-catcher with force; bat there is a point 
beyond which forbearance ceases to be a virtue or Christian duty. 

When the queslion was put to him on the floor of (vungres?, he liad said 
that a blave had a right to relieve himself from bondage at whatever cost 
and by any means, Uo had no right to yield himself and hi.« posterity to 
Shivery, Christianity forbids. lie would not needlessly risk life, but whenever 
he could prevent the return of a fugitive to Slavery, he would at the peril 
ol life, lie was called a fanatic, and admitted it. He had lived to sec won- 
derful progress in popular sentiment. Ten years ago he was the sole repre- 
sentative in Congress ol the opposition to Slavery. Now it had ahnost got 
the control of the nation. This Convention would be assailed as abolition ; 
but no one would dare take issue squarely with tlicir re.-olutions — these were 
impregnable. 

He staled that four or five years ago lie w-ent to Bloomir.gron, 111., where 
he had an apv.ointment to speak. The Whigs begged him to desist. His 
sentimenls would ruin the party. A Doiisocrat, one of their bc>t speakers 
and most notorious blackguards, came there to use him up. He persisted in 
attending the mceliiig, altiiough the Whigs deserted it so that he had to go 
on without an organization. His op[)onent was there. He proposed a joint 
discussion, and that each should answer freely the questions of the other as 
to his prii:ciples. This was accepted by h's opponent, w ho came forward. 
Mr. Giddings then declared his i)rinci|)les — that all men wore endowed 
with certain inalienable rights, among which were life, liberty, and the pur- 
suit of happiness. He deniamled if his opponent admitted that. He refused 
to answer. Failing in this, he said he would make one more effort to draw 
him out. He believed that governments weic formed to maintain these 
rights, and demanded if his opponent conceded that. This, also, ho refti.'sed 
to answer, and the amlience raised such a shout against him, that af.er Mr. 
Giddings was through his opi:oncnt devoted his entire effort to quarreling 
wiih th.em. Tiiis would be the case with tluvc resolutions. Xo man in Ohio 
will dale deny their principles before an audi<'r.ce. We now have the means 
to bring lhe.~e ilocirines before the jiopular mind in all parts of the State. 
Th(! press is open to them, or nearly so. Fifty thousand voteis iu the State 
will refuse to vote for any n\:>n who is unsound on these principles. 

He had been accused of injm-ing the Fveimblican Party. He was bound to 
no ijarty except as it sustained truth and justice. That ]:arty had lost moral 



CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. I 1 

power by its course on thin question. Men in it had aaiil, " C.itcli tlic fugitive '." 
Tliis Convention is not nsked to inleifei'e uilli politics, l)iit as Ciiiir.ii.ii:s wo 
have no right to deny God's l.iw and ni.in's ii.;lits. The idea of »e|>ar.uiiig 
ix>li;ics Irom ixdigion is iieie.-y, atiuisni. If yun deny the law ul Chris', 
*• \Vl)atevorye would that (it hers do to yon doyc also imtn llie'.n,'' Ijou' (mu yoa 
s!and before God? JNIen who can st'par.ite their iio'.itics (r>i\n tiieir religion 
have Utile of one ;ind nothing to b;ag "]i '>{' the oiher. Cieivyi!U.n aie hound 
to ii.--e their inliiience always f^r God's law and man's li^lio. 

lie had been bitteily assailed by the Deniocratie press because he said that 
the kidnappers sbouid have been hanged. Ho would say that his interven- 
tion saved ihcni and the United Stales Judge and ju-'ors from hanging ; and 
standing here to-day, lie had doul'ts whether he had done his duty. (Jivil war 
was waged against four or five hiujdred men on the Reser\o, to <;any them 
back to shivery. Jurors to indict and j'liors to convic; were selecteil 1m l!ie 
Marshal, .-o as to insure an indiclnient and prescribed verdict. It w.as nothing 
less than a cons|)iracy against the libeity of the people. No one can deny 
tlie right of a man to assert his own lihiTiy and use means requisite to obtain 
it. At Oberlin a fugitive armed himself with a club and assaulted the Den- 
iit3^ Marshal who came to seize him. The people rescued the Marshal. Tlicy 
should not have interfered. He who woul<l enslave mav, deserved no mercy. 
The fugitives were determined to carry the war into Africa, against the jurors 
and judges. If these trials had continued, woidd we have pi'cvented ? 

Wouhl State Courts have punisiied them ? He would stand up in our 
Courts to prevent the laws of Ohio from beitig jirostitnted to such a purpose. 
On the Rt^servc a. jury cannot be got to return a verdict against a fugitive for 
maintaining his liberty. When he was assailed in the House on this [loint 
bv Mr. Venable of North Carolina, he sai'l that if he followed his shuo to 
Ohio and there the slave killed him, he would defenil the slave in our Courts. 
These n-ere the sentiments of his heart, nor did he believe thai, thuse of 
Washington, the Adamses and Jefferson were diffeient. 

lie himself desired to take what odium was heaped on his doctrines ; they 
were his own, not the Convention's. To maintain their resolutions they had 
oidy to stand uj) to their matdiood and declare them firmly. Men will assail 
aid vilifv you, but will never deny the pr'uciples you are about to ]iut furth, 

Mr. Giddings afterwards added some expressions of gratification at the vast 
iiprising of po|uilar sentiment on this subject. 

i\Ir. Brown said : There were but few in attendance from the I\[i.imi Val- 
lev. Assembling from did'erenl parts o( the Slate, they 1/roiight (lillc'ent 
views. Sjine had made greater progress. To nuic the anli-siavcry Mnii- 
ment in that valley, it was requisite that th;; Conventi .n logically, BdiLeally 
and legally state tin ir resolutions. He believed the Fugitive Law unc.-i.?* - 
tutional, and in the right of forcible resistance when all other means were 
exhausted, but was not satisfied that the lime had yet como, and f )r his part 
was not yet prepared for luiH.fication. He would not obey the law, but when 
be violated it bo would suffer the penalty. There was a distiucticn betwecu 



12 CHRISTIAN Ai^TI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. 

auffering penalty for passive disobedience of wicked laws and forcible re- 
sistance. He desired the Convention to plant a banner around which all 
could rally. 

He referred to the course of the colonies against Great Britain, They pe- 
titioned and remonstrated until these had been found futile ; then revolu- 
tionized — owing to their wisdom in this, we were here to-day to remoa- 
strate against Slavery. The law was a wicked one, but it was sustained bv 
decisions usually regarded as law ; and he could not say that it possessed 
none of the elements of law. Have all means been tried for its repeal? He 
wanted to see monster petitions sent in to Congress. "When all these means 
were exhausted, then he was ready for revolution, 

Formerly the South excused Slavery as forced upon them. Now when 
they assert it is a God-given right, and send ships to Africa for fresh supplies, 
it is time for the church to denounce it. AVhen all peaceable means had 
fjii d, then ho would be ready to resist to the knife if necessary. 

Judge Carpenter of Summit, said : 

The discussion seemed to have reached a point where issue was 
taken upon this question, May a statute, regularly enacted by a law- 
making power, regularly and properly constituted, in any case be 
rightfully resisted ? And, secondly, if in any such case resistance may be 
ri^htfuilv made. How shall we know when such case occurs? Ho believed 
a law-making power, regularly and properly constituted, might so usurp do- 
minion — might so transcend all lawful human authority, that its subjects 
might rightfully refuse obedience to its enactments — nay, that it might be- 
come their duty to resist the execution of such enactments ; and not only 
their dutv to resist, but to make open proclamation of their resistance. Sev- 
eral cases had been supposed by gentlemen who had preceded him, which he 
thought were in point ; but he would endeavor to carry the illustration far- 
ther, and spread the principle upon so broad a surface that men could see it as 
they ran. 

The question had been forcibly put by our venerable friend from Ashta- 
bula, wtiether his friend before him would be under any obligation to submit 
to any statute making him a slave, and it seemed to him that every heart 
and understanding in the assembly responded, No ! But if there was any 
lingering doubt, let it bo considered that, if any obligation to obedience re- 
sulted from such enactment, it would result because such enacting power was 
abs(dute and illimitable — because it could rightfully do just what it pleased. 
If the law-making power might do just what it pleased, then it need not 
stop with making him a slave— if the power was rightfully without limit, 
absolute, it might take away life as well as liberty. If the law-making 
I)Ower, in virtue of its sheer sovereignty, might lawfully use his body and life 
as property, in virtue of the same sovereignty it might lawfully take away 
his lif.-. and use his dead carciiss as property. The power which, because it 
was wilhout the limit of any higher law, could lawfully make him property, 
could for wautof any higher law, take away his life and use his lifeless body 



CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERT CONVENTIOrf. IS 

as property — it might troil and eat it, or eat it without broiling ; — nay, it 
might broil and eat him dead or alive. The power which, because there is 
no higher law, can make Slavery lawful, can, because there is no higher law, 
make cannibalism lawful. 

Now suppose any law-making power, ever so regularly and properly con- 
stituted, but unlimited by any constitution in this respect, or by any higher 
law, should, in manner and form ever so regular, enact that the majority 
might kill and eat the minority at will, does anybody believe such a statute 
would be obligatory on the minority ? Has anybody the folly to pretend 
that the minority ought, because of any authority in the enactment, to forbear 
€vcu the bloodiest resistance ? And if a legislative act of this description 
could carry no lawful authority, could a judicial judgment give it any ? If 
a body rightfully constituted to make laws could give it no lawful authority, 
could a body constituted only to administer laws, give it lawful authority ? 
^' I care not," said he, "how final its adfudications may be, it cannot make 
law of that which is no law — and no power can make law of that which in 
the nature of things cannot be law." 

An existing case, as well as supposed ones, which to him, he said, seemed 
in point, had been put by other gentlemen in the case of the Fugitive Slave 
Law. Eut another case occurred to him which he thought so plain that it 
would illustrate even the Fugitive Slave Law. He meant the Kansas-Ne- 
braska Act. It might appear like introducing a political discussion ; but he 
had a right to use it by way of illustration of the principle, and ho would 
carry its use no farther. That act declared that the people of a ter- 
ritory had a right to " form and regulate their domestic institutions 
in their own way" — this meant that they had a right to mr.ka 
slaves ; for the prohibition of the Missouri Compromise had to be got 
rid of to make room for this act. This act then meant, that the 
people of a territory, by force of their inherent governmental sovereign- 
ty, have an absolute unlimited right to say who of their number shall be 
slaves and who shall be freemen. It virtually declared that the majority 
might make slaves of the minority, if they saw fit. And not that alone, it 
virtually declares that the strongest party — the successful power, whether 
majority or minority, may make slaves of all the rest. For, if the people of 
a territory start with the assumption that they may determine who of their 
number shall do all the drudgery, and that those drudges shall be property, 
they assume this right in virlue of a sovereignty which is absolute and illim- 
itable for want of any higher law. Let us see then how the scheme operates. 
" I say," said Mr. Carpenter, " that it is absolute despotism— that the doctrine 
of popular sovereignty as proclaimed in the Kansas-Nebraska Act is that of 
unlimited autocracy and nothing shorter — simple one-man despotism and 
nothing else. For think of it. If the majority make property of the mi- 
nority, that minority is no longer any part of the government. The minority 
is dejjo&ed from the governing power and set aside as chattels. The majority- 
then remains the entire government But that governing number may, tha 



14 CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. 

next moment, undergo another just such division into a majority and minority, 
and this second minority beset aside aschattels.and ihc whole government con- 
sist of that majority. And forthwith a tliird and likp, division with a like re- 
sult may bo had ; and so on till the last minority shall consist of one, and the . 
last m;ijority of two. Of these two, on the princiido tliat sovereignty is the 
highcit, that is, the strongest power, the stronger must of course prevail and 
1)8 alone the government, the lawful government — the government of scjuatter 
Bovereigaty. It matters not whether this is Douglasism, or whatever ism it 
may be, it is the logical and ultimate result of the popular sovereignty of the 
Kansas-Nebraska Act. Absolute despotism — the great principle of popular 
sovereignty without the Higher Law !" 

" Sir," said Mr. Carpenter, " you and I have been taught from our infancy 
that human sovereignty resides with the people and nowhere else. But, wo 
have been taught that no human sovereignty is absolute and illiinitable--that 
men have no right to make laws or constitutions just as they ple.ise, in their 
own way, unrestrained by any higher law ; that all lawful human authority is 
limited by the equal rights of all men — those inalienable rights which are au 
inherent and essential part of every human being." 

But, he said, it is asked — Who shall judge when the constituted au- 
thorities have attained a despotism that justifies resistanc; ? There is one 
infallible rule, of universal application, by which every one may determine 
the question. Whenever tho government professes the right to absolute 
power, unlimited by those equal rights essential to human nature, that very 
profession proclaims open rebellion against the fundamental law of all right- 
ful government. It is not the people, then, whose resistance is rebellion 
against the law ; it is the government, then, claiming its right in might alone, 
•which lifts the standard of rebellion against the law — a law fundaniei:tal and 
common to all rightful government and especially the common law of our 
government, ?.s we have always been taught. And it matters not, whether 
this proclamation of rebellion against this fundamental law is made in tiie act 
of organizing a government wherein the strongest party claims the right, 
without limit by any higher law than its own will, "to form and regulate 
their domestic institutions in their own way," or whether it is made by a 
Congress assuming to act under a constitution, or whether it is made by a 
court whose adjudications are carried out as final. Wlieiiever this rlaini of 
illimitable power is put in exercise, that act is itself rebjllion agains: the 
common law of all rightful government, and may ba lawfully resisted, \^'lly, 
this is nothing new. The whole question was tried and decided by our Ilev- 
olutionary Father.^. The very point in their contest was, whetlier human 
government could be entitled to this illimitable authority. Dr. Smuiel 
Jolinson, in his pamphlet " Taxation no Tyranny," quoted with so much 
self-satisfaction by the attorney for the govenimetit in the Clcvi'laiid Re.^^cuo 
Cases, denounced the colonists as rebels for assuming tiiat the sovereignty of 
Great Britain, constituted in tho king and Parliament, could be wrong. And 
ho asks with an air of triumph, whether a wretched minority in North 



CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. 15 

Am3nca svara to djterminc it a^iaiDst a majoi-ity an. I the sovereignty of llio 
ru.ilin ! i: f'iithjrs r^jplij-l with the DjchiiMtion of IiiJepjndence, that all 
Irriiiii soveioi^iit}^ is limited by the c:]ii.il and iualienalde rights of man, and 
that the very assiiminion of sovereijiity, without this limit, liad made 
thj m ither govcvuniijuo a rebel against the law. Dr. Johnson stood precisely 
U|)oii the i)rinci[)le of the Kansas- Nebraska Act, and that act was but the re- 
vision of thj old cl-im of Great Britain against Ikt colonics. If this is the 
Douglas platform, or any otiier platform, wo cannot help it; — it assumes tho 
right of luuu.ui sovereignly to exercise illimitable power ; — it proclaims re- 
bellion against the fundamental law of government ; and whoever aUempts 
the exercise of such power may be rightfully resisted. 

At the suggestion of ]Mr. Fairchild, uho made a brief argument to 
show that ]\Ir. Brown really went as far as any of them, the resolution was 
verbally amended, so as to declare that the Fugitive Law did not contain tho 
essential elements of law. 

Mr. Guthrie, Mr. Giddings being in the chair, said that was the most im- 
porUint resolution. The question of resistance may practically come homo 
to him at any lime. He lived where to resist the law was to get shot down. 
It was simplj' madness to attempt to resist that law by force. He had not 
reached the point where revolution was expedient or a duly. Fifty people 
might b3 shou down in resisting tho law in his vicinity, and yet no change 
effected in public sentiment. , 

When the Federal officials were chasing tlie negro Jackson at Zancsvillc 
he remonstrated ; and he was told by one of these, that it wafe they, the wbito 
nigger.j, that caused these difficulties, and that they had a right to call on 
him to help catch the negro, lie replied that such a call would be in vain ; 
but he was not prepared to face these men, and be shot down to no purpose. 
He believed that victories were sometimes won without resort to the .sword. 

Prof. Peck inquired if any one had maintained that resistance was a duty 
under all circurast inces. He had held that under certain circumstances ho 
would help those whom the law made outcasts and deprived of all protection. 

He did not affirm the right of resistance for himself under all circumstan- 
ce?, but there were circumstances in which ho would rescue those whom tho 
law tleprived of all rights, at vvhatever risk. 

The reiolutlon was adopted unanimously as amended, and the Convention 
adjourned till to-morrow morninji, (Aug. 11,) al 8 o'clock. 

SECOND DAY. 

The Convention met thi;; morning at eight o'clock, and was opened by 
the reading of a chapter of Scripture, 12ih Pomans, by the President, and 
prayer by the Rev, A. Pinney of Zauesviilc. 

The discussion of the resolutions was continued. 

On the seventh resolution. Prof. Peck remarked substantially as follows : 

One clause of this resolution emphasizes the duty of Christians to bear tes- 
timony against slavery b^ suitable political action. I wish to say a few words 
on this point. 



16 CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. 

"We, who compose this Convention, hold, at least in theory, that it is both 
the duty and the privilege of Christians to prove their zeal for freedom and 
justice by taking part in politics. It is doubtful whether there is one of us 
who does not repudiate the doctrine that Religion goes out of its sphere when 
it enters the political arena and who does not think that Religion is to go 
wherever human action is called for, and especially wherever action so im- 
portant in its moral and social bearing as is that in the political direction, is 
required. 

And it is a happy thing for our country that Christians quite generally are 
adopting what seem to us right views on this subject. 

But theory has not yet beer: suitably resolved into practice in this matter. 
Good men do not altogether rid themselves of the idea that taking part in 
politics is derogatory to the Christian profession and detrimental to Christian 
character. Hence they too often keep aloof from political associations and 
political endeavors. Even when there is urgent need of their taking the 
field, they stay at home, leaving the management of public affairs to schemers 
who shape issues and name candidates as their own interests shall require. 
When the Reserve was convulsed, two months since, with fervid indignation 
at the Fugitive Slave Act and its fruits, a strongly anti-slavery township in 
which Christian abolitionists hold a preponderating social and, when they will 
claim it, political influence, was, by the absence of true men from the primary 
meeting, represented in the county and, through it in the State, Republican 
Convention, by men who were far from being real exponents of the views of 
their constituents, and whose action in Convention was any thing but just to 
the suffering cause of freedom. Such a case reminds us that Christians gen- 
erally, and even we ourselves, may need prompting on the point to which I 
am speaking. 

Let rce therefore remind myself and you that the moral power of a truly 
disinterested Christian purpose is such that whenever and wherever it is ex- 
pressed, it cannot but be recognized and felt. " A little leaven leaveneth the 
whole lump." This is not less true of political than it is of any other form 
of association. If but a few Christian people will earnestly, Avisely and with 
forgetfulness of self enter a political part}'^ and keep their influence actively 
bearing on the party, they will seldom fail of having their principles regarded 
in both the making of the party platform and the nomination of candidates. 
This should encourage Christians to feel that they will not labor in vain if 
they take their proper place on the field of political action. 

Tut what should Christians do politically ? I answer, in the first place, 
they should nol seek office for themselves nor insist that oflSce shall be given 
only to Christians. A Christian dishonors himself and the cause he professes 
to love, by seeking office. Nor should he claim that only Christians shall be 
put into official positions. He should be satisfied if good men who are not 
Christians are chosen to office. By being generous in this regard, he will pro- 
mote the name and honor of the great cause he loves. 

But, passijDg on, Christiana should, by meriting it, secure for theinselvea an 



CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. 17 

influential standing in political parties. They sliould do tlrs, bv propatratiii'^ 
such just principles as the party has avowed, and hy hiboring otlierwise I'ur 
its exlern^-ion. They ahonld do itby being in their places, in the various 
meetings of the party, es])ccially in the iirimary meetings in wliicli nieas- 
iiites are initiated. The Christian who thinl<j that the primarv mi;etiiv» is 
no ph\ce for liim, should not complain if his wishes are oveiloolud in the 
making of platforms and the nomination of candidates. The time for him 
to secure a hearing, and to accomplish sometliing to the purpose, is wlien 
schemers have not yet laid tlieir wires and forestalled public cpiuion against 
him. 

Then, again, having earned political standing, the Christian shoul.l vi>ri- 
lantly watch lest the principles he loves be set aside at the behests of policy 
and should continually admonish leaders against selling right fw success. 

As political parties approach jiredominance, they are ai)t to think it worth 
their while to make sure of ]nirchasing the adhesion of such mercenari'.s as 
are in the market, by letting down ]irinciple or by sacrificing their represeiita- 
tivc men. They reason that they are sure of the s;anncli men they have 
already enrolled, and that they can quiet any who may be di^aO'ccted bv 
compromise measures, by proving to them v.-hat gain« the compromise v.-ill 
bring. Thus has more than one noble party been debauched. And the 
victory which is gained in this way is always worse than defeat. 

Against such a demoralization of their party, Christians should be watchful. 
They should instantly protest against any departure from principle which 
either designing or mistaken leaders pf-opo-e. And if they speak earnestly 
and decidedly, they will not speak in vain. The setting aside by the last 
Republican State Convention of the Judge elected to this office by eighty 
thousand majority, against whose decision as to the constitutionality of the 
Fugitive Slave Act earnest anti-slavery men from the Pieserve set themselves, 
proves what can be done in a political parly by a \e\v resuUite men who hiilh- 
fuUy adhere to principle. 

Such, in outline, is the political action which Christians should zealously 
and prayerfully maintain, and for which the resolution before us calls. 

And, surely, thare never was a time when such action was more impera- 
tively called for than it is now. In our own State, one great party is making 
support of the diabolical Fugitive Slave Act the corner stone of its policy ; 
and the other is in imminent peril of taking a false position on the questions 
at issue, in order to gel or keep the adhesion of " lower-law" elements. The 
danger to which the " party of freedom " is exposed is revealed in the fact 
that the party papers are quite generally quoting without protest Mr. Corwiu's 
infamous declaration at Xenia, that while the Fugitive Slave Act is law it 
must be obeyed ; and if men will not obey it, they must be punished ; and 
that, for his part, if the law should require it, lie luoull help hnng the fanatics 
who taill insist on disobeying it, to the hloclc. It is certainly high time for 
Christiansin Ohio to bestir themselves lest the party to which most of them 
belong should become inoculated with consent to such doctrines ar.d with a 
"vnllingnesa to follow such leaders. 

% 



18 CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. 

In national politics, too, we see proofs of a crisis wliich calls for outsi)olven 
and immediate action on the part of anti-slavery Christians. Every mail 
brings us leading Republican papers, some of tliem once radical in their doc- 
trines, the columns of which are freighted with arguments going to prove 
that the party which they represent must succeed, and that to succeed it must 
mulce itself a mere opposition party, and so lower its principles that even slave- 
holders can join it. 

Have we not yet beeu sufficiently taught that Slavery is so aggressive and 
intrusive that it will be arrested only by pereini)toiy measures, and that 
defences against it must be made higher rather than lower ? Against the 
threatened breaking down of the principles of the party, let Christian anti- 
slavery men cry out. 

With this disposition to abate the real principles of the party of freedom, 
there is a growing inclination to work into its platform new principles, some 
of which are grossly odehsive to Christian phihxnthropy. Lately, thousands 
of extra copies of a paper (the Gazette) published in this city, carried to the 
Republicans of the Norlii-West the proposition to demand the nomination to 
the Presidency of Gov. Chase, and to the Vice Presidency, of Edmund 
Bates, (of St. Louis,) on a moderate western platform which, as the phrase 
was, "should have no Sambo in it." For my own part, greatly as I esteem 
and much as I have labored for the distinguished gentleman whose name 
was made prominent in this connection, I could, on no account, esteem or la- 
bor for him longer, if I supposed, as I do not at all suppose,that he would lend 
himself to a movement which should explicitly ignore the wrongs of the col- 
ored race. Nor can Christians too jealously watch against the incorporation 
into the political creeds to which they adhere, of anti-humanity doctrines 
avowed for the sake of success. 

There is then great need, at the present time, of the distinct and practical 
recognition by American Christians of the resolution before us. And where 
may a revival of interest in this doctrine better begin than here ? and where 
may it better begin than among the Christian yeomanry of the free North- 
West ? Among them, conservatism has not crystalized into its usual hard- 
ness ; enterprise still quickens religion as well as art and commerce. The 
masses of them act and think, apart from the dictation of leaders. Among 
them therefore, and now, let us be^in a new work. Let us take the field 
before politicians have matured their plans and inaugurated measures which ^ 
once set in motion, cannot be resisted. Let Northwestern Christians, assem- 
bled in tho great North- Western city this fall, pledge each other and declare 
to the country that, while they will not insist upon men, they will insist upon 
painciples, and that they will not act in any political association which either 
ignores humauit}' or buys success with compromise. 

The principal debate took place on a motion (o strike out the reference in 
the 8th lesolution, to the action of tho Zanesville Baptist Church. The 
friends of this motion argued that the Convention ought to be general and not 
particular in its action, and that it ought not therefore to particularize the 



CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. 19 

present case. Those opposed contended that it was an example in the prov- 
idence of God which ought to be held up to general imitation. 

A great number spoke in regard to the matter, but these were the points of 
the discussion. The amendment was finally yielded, and the resolution 
passed as originally oiiered. 

Eev. E. H. Fairchild read the following report : — 

The Committee appointed to propose a plan of operations for the future, 
respectfully submit the following report : 

We recommend, 

1. That this Convention appoint a committee of twelve men-, representing 
different parts of the State and different denominations of Christians, ^o be 
known as the General State Committee, whose duty it shall be to manage 
and ])romote the interests of the anti-slavery cause as they are represented 
by this Convention, for the ensuing year, and until the}' arc discharged by a 
similar Convention, to be called by themselves, at the most suitable lime and 
place next year. 

2. That this Committee be recommended to appoint a general agent, richly 
imbued with the love of God and man, who shall lecture through the State 
for the ensuing year, and collect funds for the promotion of our cause. 

3. That the General Agent, with the direction of a sub-committee, to be 
appointed b}' the committee of twelve, be authorized to employ other lec- 
turers, whenever and wherever suitable men can be obtained, as far as the 
state of the treasury will permit. 

4. That these lecturers provide themselves with anti-slavery books and 
tracts, under the direction of the sub-committee, and sell them as extensively 
as possibly through the State ; also that they act as agents for anti-slavery 
papers. 

5. That the Committee and general agent be advised to secure, as far as 
possible, the co-operation of the churches and ministers of the State, and of 
county committees to be appointed by county Christian auti -slavery Cunven- 
tions. 

6. That the Committee be advised to establish, if they shall deem it 
exi)edient, a Christian anti-slavery paper, as an advcjcate of our jirinciides and 
a means of communication, and that tin-}' be requircil to publish from time 
to time, an account of their proceedings. 

7. That the Committee be instructed to correspond with prominent friends 
of our cause in other States, recommending a system of operaiiniis simihu- to 
our own ; and also, with reference to a gr 'at North-Western Christian Anti- 
Slavery Convention to be held late in the autumn. 

8. That the surplus funds, beyond what can be irofitably emi)loyed in 
this State, be expended in the circulation of a'.:ti-s!avery literature in the 
Southern States. 

9. That we commence a subscription, on the spot, as a nucleus of a fund 
to enable our Committee to prosecute the cause immcdiati-ly. 

10. That we request all the Christian mini.-ters of the State to embrace an 
early opportunity to present to their congregations the evil and sin of slavery, 
and the duties of the people in regard to il. 

The report tVas adopted. 

A Committee of five, viz: Eev. E. H. Fairchild, L.L.Rice, Esq., Eev. W. 
H. Brewster, Eev. John Lawrence and Rev, William Perkins, was appointed 
to nominate a General State Committee of twelve to superiateuJ luc iuluosts 
of the cause throughout the State during the ensuing year. 



20 CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. 

Prof. Peck, from the Committee appointed to prepare an address, read the 
following, Avhicli was UDanimoiisly adopted : — 

2b the Christian Men and Women of Ohio, interested in the advancement of 

Freedom and the extinguishment of Slavery : 

It can hardly be necessary to call your attention to the pressing occasion 
for a renewal of anti-slavery zeal and effort on the i)art of the earnest Chris- 
tian people of our land. 

We need to revive our own sense of the intense Avickedness of the system 
of oppression which prevails, ai.d to arouse ourselves to do what we can to 
produce a conviction of its wickedness in others. 

By a sort of general consent, the discussion of the duties and interests in- 
volved in the existence and aggressions of Slavery has, these mary years 
past, been transferred to the arena of politics ; and while it has become thus 
a potent elemetii, causing the downfall and rise of politicians and political 
parties and controlling the action of legislatures and of governments, there 
has not seemed to be a corresponding accumulation of moral power brought 
to bear upon the vulnerable points of this system of wickedness. Nay, Sla- 
very ha-i seemed to gather strength and courage and boldness in the conflict, 
because the attack has been made upon its best fortified positions, and atten- 
tion has been diveited to a groat extent from its weaker side. Slavery has 
been glad to take shelter in such defenses as the '' Compromises of the Con- 
stitution," the "acknowledged rights of property," the "common inheri- 
tance in tne territories," the claims of "law and order," and has acquired 
self-resjtect and presented a show of propriety in the stand it has made. 

On the other hand, the friends of freedom, consenting to this arbitrament 
of the controversy, have reserved their most reliable forces, their irresistible 
weapons, and have sacrificed or forborne to use many of the advantages of 
their position — or, distrusting this method of conducting the work, have al- 
to<'-cther retired from the conflict and are waiting a more auspicious oppor- 
tunity. 

We do not regret that Slavery has become the rallying point of all the 
political forces in the land, nor do we propose any attempt to divert the pub- 
lic interest Irom this form of the conflict, ^uch a result was inevitable in 
the nature of the case, and we accept it as an indication of Providence, 
showing where our work lies, and summoning us to its accomplishment. It 
is a token of good to truth and to humanity, that questions of such vast 
magnitude, involving all that is dear to men — all the interests of morality 
and religion, are forced upon the public attention ; and that questions of 
mere pecuniary profit and loss, and of temporary expediency, are thrown 
into the background. It aftbrds a rare opportunity to impress the public mind 
with the great principles of righteousness; to bring out and set forth the 
higher obligations and interests of life, and to lift up a standard against in- 
rushin<^ iniquity. Such opportunities are not often aflorded to a people. 
Tiiev arc the pivots upon which the destinies of nations turn. Undeistood 
and improved, they mark the times of God's visitations to establish a people 



CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. 21 

in virtue, and to lead them on to a higher prosperit}'. Even political strife, 
under such circumstances, becomes a moral conliicc, and the triumph.of party 
is the triumph of principle. But if that people in their blindness and 
Avorldliuess fail to apprehend the time, the loss can never be retrieved. This 
or that party name may be iu the ascendant, but the glory is departed ; God 
has passed them by. 

At this present hour a great responsibility rests upon men who fear God 
and regard his law, to see to it that the conflict which is waging shall not fail 
from lack of the moral element, and that God shall not be compelled to frown 
upon it because it does not honor Him. Christian men must claim and ex- 
ercise the right to bring all these questions, supposed by some to be exclu- 
sively political, to the test of morality and religion. They must bring them 
to the consciences of the people as matters which cannot be neglected without 
involving infidelity to God and man. They must claim for the pulpit and 
the religious press the right to speak out in clear utterances upon the great 
sin and shame of our land, and must see to it that this right is accorded 
and that this duty is not neglected. They must make it a burden of prayer, 
private, domestic, social and public, that the nation may be recovered to right- 
eousness and that the oppressed may be caused to go free. May the day for- 
ever pass when worldly men have occasion to compliment their minister 
because never in hymn, or prayer, or sermon has he disturbed their ec[ua- 
nlmity by a reference to the poor that cry, the needy, and them that have no 
helper, and when attendants upon prayer meetings are shocked, as if a 
political topic had been broached, because supplication is made that God's 
law may triumph over wickedness framed into law by men. 

The curse of our land is a grievous one, founded on self-interest and con- 
firmed bv centuries of existence and toleration. It has come to be regarded 
as an established element in our civilization — gloried in by its advocates and 
endorsed by its opponents. It can never be removed until the heart of the 
people shall be stirred to its very depth with a sense of the sin and the disgrace ; 
until it shall become a matter of earnest and anxious thought in the family, 
the school and the church. Ii! the mercy of a peaceful deliverance from this 
<Teat wrong remains to us, it must come through such a channel. 

There are many evidences that the present interest in the cause of freedom 
must be vitalized by a higher morality — by the spirit of Christianity itself, 
before any satisfactory result or substantial progress can be anticipated. 

1. The Atheism — no other name expresses it — which prevails on the ques- 
tion of the supremacj/ of Qod's law over human enactments, indicates a blind- 
ness scarcely removed from infatuation. If madness be the inevitable pre- 
cursor of destruction, then have we not reason to apprehend that God's mercy 
is already withdrawn from the people ? The extent to which delusion pre- 
vails on this subject is startling. Not merely the unscrupulous politician 
who is willing to secure his ends by any means — not merely the interested 
official whose [lay depends upon his servility, but men long honored for their 
wisdom and their virtues — men looked up to as judges in the land, do not 



23 CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY C0N\'EVTI05. 

hesitate to urge the obligation to obey a wicked enactment as long as legisla- 
tures and courts choose to call it law. They gloss the precept of God's 
word, " We ought to obey God rather than men," with the limitation, " un- 
less men choose to put the expression of their will into the form of law;" 
and, what is still more alarming, the mass of the people seem bewildered on 
the subject, and hesitate which to choose, Jehovah or Baal. We would fain 
hope that much of this delusion is an ignorance which does not betoken 
wickedness ; but if there be a point where the distinction fails between ig- 
norance and sin, it must be here. 

There seems to be a perversion of the best sentiments of a law-abiding 
people. Injustice is perpetrated and abetted and excused upon the ground 
that the laws must be respected and maintained. Marshals and bailiffs arrest 
the fugitive from oppression, and apologize for the loathsome work iipon the 
ground that they are executing the law ; commissioners and judges raraand 
the victim to his oppressor, and call thenibelves the ministers of law ; juries, 
impannelled as a safe-guard of personal liberty and the rights of man, adjudge 
him a criminal whose heart has been moved with sympathy for the bleeding 
bondman, because the law and their oath require it ; the people, indignant, 
perhaps, but submissive, open their prisons to their God-fearing neighbor be- 
cause he must suffer the penalty of the law ; and last of all, the habeas cor- 
pus, the time-honored guardian of the right, looks unmoved upon the wrong, 
because such, from the days of the fathers, has been the order of the courts. 
The giant outrage at every step blasphemes the sacred names of Justice and 
Order and Law. AVhen will men learn that law has a soul as well as a body, 
and cease to cherish and reverence the putrid form when the spirit has indig- 
nantly departed ? Tyranny can devise no machinerj» so subservient to its 
own ends as this idolatry of the forms of law. It is perhaps the only sen- 
timent which it can rally to its support in an intelligent and well ordered 
peoi)le. There is unspeakable danger as well as wickedness in thus pervert- 
ing and abusing the wholesome instincts of men. For a time it may serve 
the purposes of tyranny ; in the end it will occasion a terrible recoil, crushing 
the very framework of law and government. Human nature cannot safely 
and permanently be thus cheated and wronged. 

Another form of this delusion is the impression that judges, and execu- 
tive oflBcers and magistrates are only a part of the machinery of government, 
with no individual responsibility for their official acts — that they make good 
their official oath, which recognizes God as over all, when they have sub- 
jected their consciences to human enactments and trampled under foot the 
law of God, upon the plea of sustaining the laws of men. The great patent 
fact is denied, that God holds all his moral creatures subjects of his govern- 
ment to the extent of their entire activity, and accounts as treason against him- 
self this pretended allegiance to human requirements. There is no such 
exemption from individual responsibility for official acts. The addication of 
individual manhoo:! to become the instruments of government is not per- 
mitted to any of God's creatures. The deeds they do as executors of in- 



CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. 23 

famous enactments must come back with damning guilt upon their individual 
souls ; " when he maketh inquisition for blood he will remember them." 

For this infatuation there is one remedy, sure and safe — an appeal from 
man's appointments to God's supreme law. Men have consciences and they 
•will not fail to recognize the validity of such an appeal when clearly and 
fearlessly made. The Christians of the land owe it to God and to their coun- 
try, to rally at once to these foundations which arc threatened with removal. 
Religious teachers and ministers of God's word, the consdtuted exponents of 
his counsels, may if they will, bring back the people to sound reason, and dis- 
place ihis idolatry of forms with reverence for God and wholesome regard for 
human law. Thus only can tyranny be supplanted and a government ordained 
of God be established. 

2. The prevalent tendency to overlook the claims of the oppressed them- 
selves — the injustice and wicJcedness of slavery, and to limit public concern to 
questions of interest to the dominant race — the rights and requirements of free 
labor, is an indication of heartlessness in this work which gives no promise 
of good. It is the sin of slavery which threatens the welfare of our country, 
which is corrupting the life blood of society, and provoking the wrath of 
Heaven. An ill-adjusted system of labor, an unnecessary burden of taxation, 
an unequal distribution of the advantages of government — all the natural evils 
resulting from slavery, we could tolerate and sustain ; but the debasement 
of the public conscience, the corruption of the public morals, the Nemesis 
which pursues with sleepless vigilance a nation of oppressors — this burden 
we cannot endure. One only path of safety opens to us — that of " doing 
justly and loving mercy and walking humbly with our God." This work is 
scarce begun. Our politicians are interested to provide free territory for free 
men, and to lay strong platforms, broad enough for a " white man's party ;" 
but what trifling is this ? The great guilt of oppression with its impending 
retribution still abides— the great duty " to loose the bands of wickedness, 
to undo the heavy burdens, to let the oppressed go free, and to break every 
yoke," still remains undone. We do not wish to undervalue the political 
anti-slavery interest Avhich prevails ; but how little of it has even the 
semblance of repentance for wrong doing and of zeal for righteousness ? 
Here is work for the Christian men of the land. 

3. Closely allied to this indifference to the claims of the oppressed, is 
the cold-hearted and repelling prejudice which exists against the colored race, 
both bond and free— a standing illustration of the truth discovered of old, 
that men hate those whom they have injured. 

There is scarce a tendency in our political movements to abate this cruel 
sentiment, or to correct the wrongs which spring from it. Black laws defile 
the statute books of our own and other free States, excluding the colored 
race from the polls, from the public schools and from other priveleges of 
citizens : and no political party has the courage to demand that the barbar- 
ism shall be expunged. But why speak of political parties, when this 
plague-spot mars even our "feasts of charity,"— when churches, and altars, 



24 CHRISTIAN ANTI-SIAVERY CONVENTION. 

and public and private charities are stained with the defilement ? Let us 
remove this beam from our own eye, that we may see clearly to extract the 
mote from our brother's eye. We deny the false science which assigns a di- 
versity of origins to the human race — shall we take to our hearts a religion 
Avhich fails to recognize that God bath made of one blood all nations of men 
to dwell on all the face of the earth ? 

4. Need we speak of the slave-trade, which is already lifting its hideous 
form in the open presence of the nation ? — the veriest monstrosity of wicked- 
ness which the sun ever looked upon ! It demands the right to be, as the fit 
offspring of slavery, that "mother of abominations," and has not slavery 
been sanctioned and sanctified by two hundred years of legislation ? Where 
is the moral force to grapple with the demon ? Where even the heaven- 
appointed stripling, with his few smooth stones to meet this monster " that 
defies the armies of the living God ?" Here and there is raised the feeble 
remonstrance, "Why do ye so wickedly ;" but there is needed the concen- 
trated moral indignation of the people to blast it with a breath. The 
revival of the slave-trade is little less than a settled fact. The public mind 
is daily becoming accustomed to the idea, and the prospect is that soon the 
South and the North will become alike involved in the practice, the profits 
and the shame of this last invention of oppression. " Shall not God visit 
for these things ? Shall not his soul be avenged on such a nation as this ?" 

5. lu the very presence of these great wrongs, there is pressing danger in 
the disposition to narrow the basis of the anti-slavery party to a few princi- 
ples of general policy, leaving almost untouched the vital questions of free- 
dom and slavery — danger that the aims of the people will become as narrow 
and soulless as the platforms of the party — danger that even these few prin- 
ciples will at length be surrendered to the demand for a "more liberal basis," 
which shall sacrifice strength of principle to strength of numbers, result- 
ing in the unmeaning triumph of an " opposition " — danger that candidates 
for office will be sought, not among those who have positive convictions 
and a corresponding practice, those who have been tried and found faithful, 
but from men of uncertain position and unknown principles — men who will 
prove a broken reed in the day of trial, to those who trust in them. 

To preserve the small remnant of vitality which now exists in the anti- 
slavery party, there is an absolute need of a higher demand in the people — 
greater earnestness of aim and effort — a fuller conviction of the wrongfulness 
of slavery — deeper sympathy with the slave, and a determination that never 
wavers, that the monstrous wrong shall cease. What power but that of 
Christian benevolence and zeal shall breathe this spirit abroad upon the 
people ? 

In conclusion, let us say, that we counsel no fanaticism, religious or political. 
We do not expect to cast out devils in the name of the prince of devils. 
The Christian zeal and effort which we commend is the only projDer antidote 
to fanaticism. Bitter and malignant zeal springs up in the presence of great 
•wrongs unrebuked by those whose obvious duty it \a to rebuke them — re- 



CHRISTIAN ANTI-SLAVEUY CON VLNTION. 25 

gar.].;! \\i(h iiidiffercice l>y llioso uhi^se tsoiils slmulil kimlle witli intenso 
anxioty to iiluitc tlii'tn. We only ask you, Glinstiaii friuiids, to look our na- 
tioii's sill and stianii' in tlio face — to lut it ri\sl, witii soli-nui \voi;_'lii upon 
your conscience and your liuart, and |iruinpt u)u lo such elVort and t.in[)L'ied 
zeal as tlie kindliest cliarit)' shall a|>[irove. And whatever the result, you 
Bliall thus acquit yourselves of your respousiliill} ; and if "judgment musl 
begin at ilie house of God," you .-hall at least he spared among " those who 
sigh .mil cry for all the abominations (hat are done in the land." 

Tile tuUcwiuir persons were appi)iuted a Coaiuiiiteo to superintend the pub- 
lication and distribution of the proceedings in pauii)hlet i'oriu, viz: A. M 
Gaugewcr, Chairman, Jj. L. Rice and Dr. J. II. Coulter. 

Tiie Committee to uoiniuate a General State Committee of twelve, reported 
the following names as said Committee, which report was adopted, viz: 
Rev. D. K. Flickinger, Dayton ; M. B. Batcham, Esq., Columbus ; Rev. J. T. 
McCready, Cadiz ; Rev. George Gordon, Iberia ; Rev. S. D. Bates, Mai ion ; 
Rev. E. H. Fairchild, Oberliu ; II. B. Spelman, Cleveland; Rev. \Vm. H. 
Brewster, Cleveland; Rev. \V. B. Watkins, Cambridge; Rev. D. A. Randall, 
Columbus; Rev. Ji hn Boggs, Cincinnati ; Rev. John Rankin, Ripley. The 
name of the President of the Convention, A. A. Guthrie, was added to lh» 
Committee. 

On motion of Prof. Peck, the thanks of the Convention were tendered to 
the citizens of Columbus for the hospitality extended to its members, and to 
the Congregational Church for the use of their house. 

As the time of adjournment drew near, the Couveutiou rose and sung tha 
following : — 

" Praise Go.1 from whom all blessings flow, 
Praise Ilim ail creatures here be ow, 
Praise Uim above, ye heavenly host, 
Praise Father, Son and Holy Ghost." 

After prayer by Rev. John Keep of Oberlin, the Convention adjourned 
tine die. 

H. B. Spelmax, 1 q . • A. A. Guturie, President. 

W. B. Watki.ns, J secretaries. 

Immediately after the adjournment of the Convention, the General Stat« 
Committee held a meeting and appointed the following persons an Executive 
Committee — Rev. E. H. Fairchild, Oberlin ; Rev. \V. II. Brewster, Cleveland; 
H. B. Spelman, Cleveland ; M. B. Batehan, Columbus ; and Rev. D. A. 
Randall, Columbus. 

The Executive Committee of the General State Committee subsequently 
had a meeting and appointed Rev. E. H. Fairchild of Oberlin, Chairman, and 
H. B. Spelman of Cleveland, Secretary and Treasurer. Persons who mcj 
wish to correspond with them can address them accordingly. 

During the discussion of the fourth resolution, Prof. Peck offered some very 
interesting and able remarks, which met a hearty response from the Conven- 
tion, showing it to be the duty of Christians, not only to disobev, but under 

4 



26 CIiniSTIAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. 

Bome circiimslances to resist tlic execution of the Fugitive Slave Act. Bur as 
he has had no opportunity to furnish a report of this speech, and as the news- 
paper rep( rts are very inadequate, it is entirely omitted. 

Among the many interesting and encouraging letters received, the following 
is deemed especially important as containing a succinct atc-ount of a similar 
enterprise commenced at the East: — 

To the Christian Anti-SIaveri/ Convention assemhUd in Columbus, Ohio, on the 
10th and Hthnf August, 1859. 

Forasmuch as the Church Anti-Slavery Society of the United States cannot 
be officially represented in your body, I address you, as the Secretary, in its 
behilf, and would call your attention to the principles and plans of the Soci- 
ety, as set forth in the accompanying documents. 

By them you will see that the Society has had its origin in a deep convic- 
tion of the inherent sinfulness of slave-holding, and in the solemn impression 
that it is time for the churches of Christ in our land, of every denomination, 
to be arrayed against it as the organic and towering iniquity of the nation 
that must be overthrown, in order that the " Word of God may have free 
course and be glorified," and in order that the nation itself perish not by the 
terrible cancer that has already made such inroads upon its constitution. 

The mission of the Church Anti-Slavery Society is four-fold : First, To 
establish the posiliveness of the inherent sinfulness of Slavery — not because 
its sinfulness is added to or iutensiiied by the (jualifying term inherent, but be' 
cause leading divines in our country have asserted the contrary, viz: that 
Slavery is not sin, itself, not malum in se, as a reason for not touching the sio 
in the church. 

Second, To carry into practical operation, as a Christian duty, the principle 
of non-communion v.ith slave-holders, and disfellowship thereby with the sin 
of slaveholding. 

Third, To vindicate the Christian Scriptures from any warrant or allowance 
of chattel slavery. 

Fourth, To deliver our American Christianity from the stigma that has 
come upon it as a slaveholding Christianity, by the compliciiy of American 
churches with American Slavery. 

In furtherance of the.se objects, the Society has^ 1, published and circu- 
lated its Declaration ot Principles and Constitution, and a sketch of the de- 
bates upon their adoption in the Convention at Worcester, on the 1st and 2d of 
March, 1859, declaring the system of American Slavery and the practice of 
slaveholding to be essentially sinful and anti-Christian, and to be dealt with, 
therefore, as such, by Christian churches and ministers ; and declaring also 
the duty of one family or section of the Christian church to rebuke and re- 
fuse fellowship to another section of the visible church, that denies the rights 
of man and the common brotherhood of humanity, by defending Slavery and 
holding to its bosom slave-sellers, slave buyers, and slave-holders. 

2. It has published also a circular, addressed to the ministry and churches, 



CHUISTIAN ANTI-SL.WERY CONVENTION. 2T 

setting forth the reasons for this movement, and affirming that we would 
place the Christian church in its true position — t!;iit wc would not merely ab- 
solve it from all complicity with Slavery, but we would take away its reproach 
(Of remaining silent in the presence of the giant crime of the day. 

3. It has offered a premium of $100 for the host tract showing that the 
Bible gives no warrant or allowance of chattel slavery ; to compete for which 
prize there have been more than fifty M.S.S. from different parts of the laud, 
some of them of great value and ability, and all of them evincing a large 
amount of thought given to the relation of the Bible and the church to Sla- 
very. 

4. It has adopted a Letter Extraordinary to the churches, intended to be 
read on the Lord's Da,y amid the solemnities of public worship, which will be 
widely circulated as soon as the Committee have it in their power to say ia 
that letter, that the salary of their agent is pledged by individuals. The 
Committee think it would give a great power to the Society at the outset, if 
they could thus go before the churches with the announcement that, the sup- 
port of an agency being secured, no part of monies contributed by the benev- 
olent will go to any other purpose, than for the direct uses of the Society in 
prosecuting its Christian warfare with Slavery. They are therefore anxious 
to secure at once the required amount of $1000, that they may forthwith put 
their agent into the field, that no time may be lost, when American Slavery 
is defying the moral sense of mankind, by the rt-,)pi ning of the execrable 
slave-trade, in the great work of arraying the churches of America against it. 

Public meetings of the Church Anti-Slavery Society were held and were 
very largely attended, in Boston and New York, during the religious anniver- 
Baries in May last; and it is in contemplation to hold a series of public meet- 
ings at important pcints iu the country during the approaching autumn and 
winter seasons. 

These facts I have thought it proper to communicate, in giving you the sal- 
utations of the Church Anti-Slavery Society of the United States. And allow 
me now to present for your adoption, as a body, the following resolution, which, 
by your courteous permission, I should argue and ur^-e, ( i" juesent with 
you in Convention,) as expressing what I believe to be the sense of the 
Church Anti-Slavery Society upon a matter of the very gravest importance: 

Besolved, That in the act of the Baptist Church of Zanesville, Oluo, delib- 
erately excommunicating one of its members, Ezekiel S. Cox, Deputy U. S. 
Marshal, for his part in the capture and rendition to Slavery of a fugitive 
from bondage, (who had been for three year^ ii resident of Biilmont ounty,) 
because, in t'.c judgment of said church, ; . ujting as a Deputy Marshal of 
the United States in this case, he had acted contrary to the spirit and teaching 
of our holy religion, and to the express command of God himself, as recorded 
inDeut. '2?. : 15, 1 (5, and had participated in the Fugitive Slave Case in a 
manner wholly unwarranted by the Holy S.Mutures, and by so doing had 
grieved his brethren in the church and brought dishonor upon the cause of 
Christ — in slid act of the Zanosville Church we recognize and approve a 
righteous proceeding; and wo see in it, as well as in ilie Oberlin Rjscne Ca- 
ses, the practical beginning of that conflict which is inevitable between the 
Christianity and the legislatures of the land in refereice to Slavery — i con- 
flict which will be happily terminated by the pciceful triumph of Chriitianity, 



28 CUmSTIAN A»T.-91AVERV COKVENT.o:,. 

As ,l.e representative "'^^^tl'C^^^sJer,, and hopl-g *"" 
.eparation of Amer.can »"»»-") '^^^^j^^ ^ western division of .be 

U U seem good to tbe people obWe^Y;„t Convention, I remain with 
anreh Ant'^S.avery Soe.e y a ti. r pr^^^^ ^^^^ .^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ 

Christian cordiality and prayer lu ^^^^^ ^ Cheeveb, 

*''°'' Sec. of the Church Anti-Slavery Society of the United States. 

Jewctt City, Connecticut, I 
Aug. 5, 1859. ) 



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